WEYMOUTH: You met with Russian President Yeltsin a few days ago. How was he? KUCHMA: He looks quite normal now. He’s an active participant in conversations and can fulfill his duty on a full scale.
Did you talk about Chechnya? We mostly discussed the bilateral Ukraine-Russian relationship, [but] we also talked about Chechnya. Russia is deeply concerned about its territorial integrity. How would other countries respond to aggression such as the virtual attack by the Chechens on Russians in Dagestan? The war in Chechnya is about terrorism–which has no boundaries. Yeltsin recently invited the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe to help find a solution to the conflict. I understand it is the wish of President Yeltsin to cooperate with the world.
How do you see Russia after Yeltsin? To a certain extent, Yeltsin was a guarantor of the territorial integrity of Ukraine and, to a great extent, of the democratic and free-market reforms in Russia. In my view, there is no one on the horizon who can replace Yeltsin.
Do you fear a nationalistic post-Yeltsin era? The only thing I’m afraid of is internal stagnation and lack of reforms, which could make us weak and subject to outside threats.
Why have you come to Washington? I came for a meeting of the Kuchma-Gore commission. We talked about the ways our two countries can cooperate–politically, economically and militarily. There were questions in the U.S. over the need for providing aid to Ukraine. There was concern before the recent presidential elections [in which Kuchma won a second term] as to whether Ukraine would continue its path toward European integration. The election was a turning point in which Ukrainians chose Europe. But it’s one thing to choose a path and another to pursue it. That’s why we badly need support from the United States.
You mean financial aid? We are not discussing financial aid. We are speaking about restructuring our debts and getting U.S. support in financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. We would appreciate it if Washington and the rest of the world were not mere observers.
Just as it is in Russia, corruption is reportedly rampant in Ukraine, including inside your administration. Comparing Ukrainian oligarchs with their Russian counterparts is like comparing lap dogs to elephants. Rather than allegations, I would prefer to be provided with some solid evidence of wrongdoing about people close to the administration.
Are you willing to carry out the economic reforms that the U.S. administration seeks? Ukraine could be compared to a sick person, lying on a table, cut up by a surgeon who lacks proper tools to finish the necessary treatment. If the world –and the U.S. in particular–waits to see what happens, the patient dies. Ukraine needs massive Western assistance.
Right. But here in Washington the question is: will you act on your commitments to reform the economy? So far, not much has happened; Poland is four times further ahead than Ukraine. I don’t think it is accurate to compare Ukraine and Poland. Poland has had a more in-dependent economy than Ukraine and experienced communism to a far lesser degree than the Soviet Union. Ukraine had no economic autonomy. Ninety percent of the economy was run from Moscow. We didn’t have our own banking system, financial system or political administration–any of the elements of an independent country.
